Commentary | Why Climate Change and Environment Don’t Matter to National Security
Looking back on 2007, the year might become known as the “Climate Change Ides of March” for U.S. National Security. With major reports released from the IPCC, Center for Naval Analysis Corporation, CSIS with the Center for a New American Security, and the Council on Foreign Relations detailing impacts of global warming on national security, the logical conclusion would be that policy makers and the Department of Defense are undertaking serious reviews of this nefarious future. Yet, this has not happened. More importantly it is unlikely that it will in the near future.
Sour grapes? Pessimism? Hardly. The challenge of getting policy makers and Pentagon brass to seriously consider the devastating impacts of Climate Change and Environmental Shock isn’t one of neglect or unwillingness, but the lack of a grand national security strategy driven by a security paradigm capable of creating the proper context for threats and vulnerabilities of a post-Cold War era. And the finger can’t be pointed solely at the Pentagon either. Well intentioned leaders in academia, NGOs, and most international agencies have viewed the near term challenges to global security equally myopically through a linear, parochial Cold War security syntax. Until this narrative is expanded to encompass the security challenges of today and the future in a synchronous, holistic manner, we run the risk of doing more harm than good through entrenched, antiquated bureaucratic approaches falling along traditional interest lines.
In 1994, the United Nations Development Program Report entitled “New Dimensions of Human Security” recognized that the relaxing of hostilities between the United States and the USSR should allow for greater focus to be placed on root causes of global insecurity. The report was a seminal work in beginning the dialogue for future security through identifying seven components of human security: Political, Economic, Personal, Community, Health, Food, and Environment. It recognized that in the developing world, security was very much an issue of internal concerns with fragile governments either unable or unwilling to provide these basic components of human security.
Over a decade after the release of this UN report, we still fail to shift our thinking from a state-centric power model to a human security paradigm as we have yet to view our vulnerabilities through a lens of One Degree Separation. Because the security challenges of the near future are most pronounced in the developing world governed at best by fragile states with little capacity to mitigate shocks, the elements of human security—personal, political, economic, food, health, environment, community—impact directly on one another in a system of systems, non-linear complexity. Because this Human Security System has so little resilience, an impact on one creates a higher level of insecurity throughout the entirety of the system. Too much shock in one area or a combination thereof creates an intolerable amount of insecurity draining hope of resolution except through expressions of force or violence.
By way of example, compare the aftermath here in the United States of Hurricane Katrina. Most don’t view it as such, but the United States had environmental refugees strewn throughout the country. Yet, for the billions of dollars of damages and suffering inflicted on the population of the Gulf Coast, the U.S. government was not toppled. The United States as a robust system was able to absorb the shock with multiple degrees of separation between economy, food production, health services, etc. (Although those on the ground would argue the system in the direct vicinity was taxed beyond capacity and personal security became an issue in the aftermath.) Yet, take the flooding of a country such as Mozambique or the toxic chemical spills off the coast of Cote d’Ivoire, which brought the country into chaos nearly toppling the government.
How do we arrive at a human security paradigm and prevent the security challenges of the near future from continuing to fall along the strategic seams of our bureaucratic institutions? Getting to a fix requires new dynamic endeavors amongst government agencies, NGOs, international agencies, and the private sector. NGOs must begin to see the advantages of working with the Department of Defense in proactive ways before vulnerabilities become threats and threats become conflict. The private sector has begun to seize the notion of environmental security as well. In the October 2007 Harvard Business Review, “Investing in Global Security” Peter Schwartz writes “the systems vulnerabilities created by climate change can turn into ‘systems opportunities’ for businesses to develop novel partnerships with government” and others. No small statement.
The Department of Defense has a tremendous over the horizon opportunity to forge a new era of partnership through forwarding the idea of environmental security as an engagement strategy rather than environment as a logistical afterthought. The DOD should seriously consider creating a task force consisting of experts in the field of security and environment into a Global Environmental Security Survey Team (GESST) to look at how global warming is driving human insecurity. This task force would be the first step in recreating an office devoted to environmental security as an engagement policy. This office would work proactively and inclusively with partners across the spectrum to mitigate environmental shock now and investigate adaptation strategies in the future.
As John Podesta has said, this is an age of consequence. Talk of the “Climate Change Ides of March” is necessary but insufficient to explain the creeping vulnerabilities of a larger human security paradigm. Lacking a more comprehensive discussion in this arena, we are pushed dangerously close to the consequences for all ages.
Shannon Beebe is the Senior Africa Analyst on Army staff and a leading thinker on environment and security. The opinions expressed here are solely his own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Department of Defense or United States Army.
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This is the best and
This is the best and efficient way that everybody can contribute on taking action with of this disastrous oil spill. We know that renewable energyplays a vital role. Indeed it is significant to come up in a conclusion on ways that the average homes today are actually hurting the environment-- really, and the things that can be done about that fact. According to research, the average American household actually produces about two times the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that the average car does. Half of the energy costs go to either heating or cooling the home. Nevertheless, it can be done about this, if homes take the correct steps. Rising gas prices, coupled with tax incentives for those that use renewable energies, as well as the creation of more and more alternative energies each year, is leading to a world wide change in energy use.
Major Beebe, Thanks for
Major Beebe,
Thanks for sharing some great insights and for continuing to draw more attention to the arenas where environmental issues connect to US national security issues. Your writing and your networking with the diverse sets of actors (from environmental NGOs to military brass) is an arena that very few venture into. You are helping to pave the foundation for such collaboration. Indeed, it will not only be DOD that has some trouble taking a new look at environmental security issues and new partnerships, but much of this is unfamiliar territory for NGOs. While many among the NGO community are well versed in the arenas of environmental issues and human security, few have any experience or in-depth knowledge of how environmental issues fit into national security strategies or how a partnership with DOD might look.
The academic community and think tanks can help build the intellectual foundations for all of this. New visions will be entering the national security strategies that we develop in the future and I have a more optimistic outlook on the likelihood that environmental issues and broader human security issues will become better integrated into these strategies.
Many of you are already familiar with the work that CSIS is doing, but I would also highly recommend work being done at the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Environmental Change and Security Program: http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=topics.home&topic_i... and the “New Security Beat” blog: http://www.newsecuritybeat.blogspot.com/
Look forward to more dialog on this in the coming months and years.
jd
The challenge of getting
I think that does get to part of the problem. But another part is that Pentagon 's focus on traditional military issues and now counter-insurgency issues is fairly natural. Human security is rather all encompassing. Mjr. Beebe picks up this point and notes the need for cooperation across government agencies and with the private sector.
But, I think we may need to go the additional step to say that non-military foreign policy tools have been neglected. In some fragile states, DoD's hard power is a necessity, but in other areas partnering seems more an attempt to get DoD resources and logistics. Inter-agency cooperation is always going to be hard and no agency or department will consistently be able to see the big picture.
In the short-term, partnering will often be the only way to get things done. But in the medium-term, the U.S. needs to build up other agencies so they can work effectively on human security problems on their own. And unless the American people develop a larger appetite for international engagement, some of those resources will have to be moved from older DoD programs that are no longer relevant to the problems we face.
In fairness to the Pentagon, Sec. Gates has actively called for more funding for the State Department. Under Sec. Rumsfeld the DoD offered State funding for a reconstruction corps. Such acts of generosity, running counter to traditional bureaucratic politics, shows a recognition of the depth of the need.
That said, the fault lies on the civilian side where Congress and the President have failed to set a proper balance. I suspect Mjr. Beebe's job is to figure out how to best use the existing balance to advance U.S. interests. And absent higher level reforms, I think this piece does a good job in showing how to improve things.
John, I can't speak for
John, I can't speak for Shannon, but prevention has often proven to be cheaper than post-crisis response. Preventing Liberia's downward spiral in the 1980s would have possibly stopped a host of regional problems such as blood diamonds (which Doug Farah says possibly were used to launder money for Islamic terror groups), child mercenaries, small arms proliferation, and possibly stymied conflict in Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire and other neighbors. Paul Collier also makes convincing arguments about prevention and human security in The Bottom Billion. Even if it's a few links down the chain, these issues do affect U.S. interests.
Mjr. Beebe: Good piece.
Mjr. Beebe: Good piece. America needs more thinking in this direction. My question is this: in formulating a national security strategy based on human security, where is the motivating factor for US security. It seems to need to go through several links in a chain before any 'human security' problem 'out there' comes back to impact US security.