By Sung In Marshall Mikhail Khodorkovsky, former Russian oligarch and oil tycoon, was once the richest man in Russia. His criminal trials have been two of the most publicized and controversial trials in the history of the Russian Federation. Having already languished for nearly 3,000 days behind bars, Khodorkovsky’s case was recently reviewed in March by Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika. But in early April, President Dmitry Medvedev rejected a pardon for the jailed businessman, going against the recommendations of an expert panel that said Khodorkovksy should be freed. Is Khodorkovsky such a political threat to Putin that he must continue to remain imprisoned?
By Stephen Weil Vladimir Putin turned to Soviet-era propaganda during his recent presidential campaign, painting the United States as a hostile power that is responsible for Russia's many ills. Putin hoped that this rhetoric would exist for domestic consumption only, allowing his pragmatic cooperation with the West to restart after election day. The recent backlash to Russia's agreement to host a NATO "transit hub" in the city of Ulyanovsk has demonstrated, however, that Putin may be forced to eat his own words.
The Eurovision Song Contest is an annual televised competition featuring music acts from 56 countries in and around Europe, which draws an estimated 125 million viewers from around the world. Eurovision has given Azerbaijan a unique opportunity to showcase its country when it hosts the event in May. But behind the glitz and glamour, sequins and songs lies real-world conflict. This year’s contest comes amid ever-present tensions and continual low-level armed conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh. In such a tense environment, even the apparently innocent fun of Eurovision is politicized and politically sensitive.
A 12-meter-tall, gold-plated, rotating statue of former Turkmen leader Saparmurat Niyazov. A neutrality arch. A theme park—Turkmenbashi’s World of Fairytales—named after the “Father of All Turkmens.” A 400-page book of history, myth and philosophy meant to bolster a spirit of national consciousness among ethnic Turkmen, called the Ruhnama (The Book of the Soul). Giant posters of Niyazov in every public space across the country. Renaming the month of January Turkmenbashi and April after his mother. Turkmenistan certainly has its fair share of bizarre, eccentric manifestations of the cult of personality that surrounded its former leader. But underneath this fantastically absurd self-obsession, lies decades of repression. Under its current leader, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, things are not much different in this Central Asian country.
By Shalini Sharan The collapse of the Soviet Union two decades ago changed the Eurasian landscape dramatically. The emergence of newly independent post-Soviet states ushered in a new era of geopolitics in the region that captured the interest of existing and emerging superpowers. Rich in oil and gas reserves and potential providers of effective transit routes into the rest of Eurasia, Central Asian countries have great strategic potential for South Asia, and especially for India. Seeking to balance the growing Chinese and Pakistani influence, and promoting stabilization of Afghanistan, India has a great interest in the Central Asian states. However, the strategic importance of Central Asia has not been exploited fully. If India is indeed looking for a strategic depth in its immediate neighborhood, Central Asia is where it should be looking.
By Stephen Weil The recent controversy surrounding the liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy is the latest in a string of Kremlin-sponsored attacks on the media. While Putin had previously been willing to tolerate criticism from some outlets, allowing them to serve as "safety valves" for discontent, this recent shift in tactics indicates that the Prime Minister and his associates are taking the threat posed by non-television media outlets more seriously than ever before. What do these new tactics indicate about the future of the relationship between the Kremlin and the media?
Until very recently, Kazakhstan has been the “success” story of Central Asia. Unlike its neighbors—such as Kyrgyzstan, which has experienced several revolutions and serious interethnic violence—Kazakhstan has been a relative bastion of stability, a hub for foreign investment and has experienced an economic boom, which long-standing President Nursultan Nazarbayev claims has benefited ordinary citizens. Thus, the riots in Zhanaozen, which took place on December 16 as the country prepared to celebrate 20 years of independence from the former Soviet Union, came as a shock to the Nazarbayev regime. These riots were the culmination of a year of increasing violence across Kazakhstan. This unprecedented amount of instability has marred and damaged the once positive image of Kazakhstan as the most peaceful and stable of the Central Asian states.
Resource conflicts have become important flashpoints across the globe, including in Central Asia, where Tajikistan and Uzbekistan have been embroiled in a major dispute over life's most precious resource: water. Uzbekistan contends that the proposed Rogun Dam would destroy their agricultural system; Tajikistan counters that increased hydroelectric energy production is essential to its economic growth. How can these neighbors arrive at a mutually beneficial arrangement?
By Stephen Weil Mikhail Prokhorov, Russia's third wealthiest man, has made a comeback into Russian politics after his ouster from the Right Cause party earlier this year. Many analysts believe, however, that Prokhorov's candidacy is a Kremlin-sponsored ploy designed to mollify the urban middle-class opposition. While Prokhorov stands no chance to actually unseat Vladimir Putin, it nevertheless remainds to be seen whether or not he will adhere strictly to the Kremlin's script.
Kyrgyzstan's newly elected President is faced with a number of difficult decisions regarding the future of his country. This small Central Asian state has often been called the "island of democracy" in the region by outside observers, but it has recently been fractured by ethnic violence and the ouster of former President Kurmanbek Bakiev. Kyrgyzstan's new President, Almazbek Atambayev, must now decide whether he will reconcile his country with the assistance of Western institutions, or Eurasian ones.
Vladimir Putin turned to Soviet-era propaganda during his recent presidential campaign, painting the United States as a hostile power that is responsible for Russia's many ills. Putin hoped that this rhetoric would exist for domestic consumption only, allowing his pragmatic cooperation with the West to restart after election day. The recent backlash to Russia's agreement to host a NATO "transit hub" in the city of Ulyanovsk has demonstrated, however, that Putin may be forced to eat his own words.
The recent controversy surrounding the liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy is the latest in a string of Kremlin-sponsored attacks on the media. While Putin had previously been willing to tolerate criticism from some outlets, allowing them to serve as "safety valves" for discontent, this recent shift in tactics indicates that the Prime Minister and his associates are taking the threat posed by non-television media outlets more seriously than ever before. What do these new tactics indicate about the future of the relationship between the Kremlin and the media?
Until very recently, Kazakhstan has been the “success” story of Central Asia. Unlike its neighbors—such as Kyrgyzstan, which has experienced several revolutions and serious interethnic violence—Kazakhstan has been a relative bastion of stability, a hub for foreign investment and has experienced an economic boom, which long-standing President Nursultan Nazarbayev claims has benefited ordinary citizens. Thus, the riots in Zhanaozen, which took place on December 16 as the country prepared to celebrate 20 years of independence from the former Soviet Union, came as a shock to the Nazarbayev regime. These riots were the culmination of a year of increasing violence across Kazakhstan. This unprecedented amount of instability has marred and damaged the once positive image of Kazakhstan as the most peaceful and stable of the Central Asian states. 
Resource conflicts have become important flashpoints across the globe, including in Central Asia, where Tajikistan and Uzbekistan have been embroiled in a major dispute over life's most precious resource: water. Uzbekistan contends that the proposed Rogun Dam would destroy their agricultural system; Tajikistan counters that increased hydroelectric energy production is essential to its economic growth. How can these neighbors arrive at a mutually beneficial arrangement?
Mikhail Prokhorov, Russia's third wealthiest man, has made a comeback into Russian politics after his ouster from the Right Cause party earlier this year. Many analysts believe, however, that Prokhorov's candidacy is a Kremlin-sponsored ploy designed to mollify the urban middle-class opposition. While Prokhorov stands no chance to actually unseat Vladimir Putin, it nevertheless remainds to be seen whether or not he will adhere strictly to the Kremlin's script. 
Kyrgyzstan's newly elected President is faced with a number of difficult decisions regarding the future of his country. This small Central Asian state has often been called the "island of democracy" in the region by outside observers, but it has recently been fractured by ethnic violence and the ouster of former President Kurmanbek Bakiev. Kyrgyzstan's new President, Almazbek Atambayev, must now decide whether he will reconcile his country with the assistance of Western institutions, or Eurasian ones.