Blog

By Mark Dietzen

Snipers along the Nagorno-Karabakh Line-of-Contact are threatening a compromise solution between Armenians and Azerbaijanis over the contested Karabakh region. 

Since Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the de-facto Nagorno-Karabakh Republic signed a Ceasefire Agreement in 1994, sharpshooters have claimed about 30 victims annually on both the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides.  But as tensions mount over Nagorno-Karabakh, sniping’s tit-for-tat bloodletting is slowly claiming another victim- compromise.

By Dovile Sukyte

By Leonardo Calabrese

Bulgarians and Romanians are not enjoying their full rights as EU citizens. The two countries joined EU in 2007 but are not yet part of the Schengen Treaty which abolishes border controls within the Union, granting freedom of movement for EU citizens. The removal of border controls was matched with an effort towards coordination and harmonization of police and judicial activity to contrast transnational organized crime. When Romania and Bulgaria joined the EU, the necessity of strict reforms in the justice sector, firmer stand against criminal organizations and corruption in the two countries resulted in the establishment of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM). Under the CVM the EU commission has reported every six months on the progress in judicial reforms, assessing that despite the wide array of reforms undertaken, there is still a long way ahead in establishing a fully functioning rule of law system.

By Peter Kiss

The Global War on Terror unfolding after 9/11 initiated a new era of warfare. The past decade has been characterized by prolonged, low-intensity, asymmetrical conflicts where conventional solutions have not always been entirely successful. In the military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq the need for a highly specialized force (re)emerged. A This force needs to be capable of being rapidly deployed to a conflict zone, able to cooperate with local governmental and non-governmental actors, have versatile skills and be trained to conduct surgical tactical missions with possible strategic impact. They are the Special Operations Forces (SOF) and their unprecedented deployment in recent conflicts illustrates the new nature of warfare.

By Peter Kiss

“New Europe” became a popular term to categorize those European countries (the vast majority of them from the former Eastern Bloc) who expressed their stalwart support for the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. At the time, policymakers in Washington hoped these new “Atlanticist” countries would reenergize transatlantic relations and become able and willing allies for future NATO and coalition operations. Eight years later, in light of current events in Libya, it’s worthwhile to reevaluate where the Central Eastern European (CEE) pillar of “New Europe” stands now.
 

By Besian Boçka

The most recent political upheaval that has been sweeping North Africa and the Middle East, has brought once more to the EU’s attention the necessity of having stable energy supplies. To further complicate Europe’s energy situation, a nuclear safety review for EU’s powerhouse Germany, spurred by the Japanese nuclear leakage at Fukushima (precipitated by an earthquake and tsunami: phenomena that are unlikely to endanger Germany), has influenced Merkel’s government to shut down all of its nuclear power plants by 2022. Being Europe’s largest energy consumer, Germany will become further dependent on gas, with no clear reliable source.

 By Loïc Poulain and Akis Sakellariou*

Summary:

One year after Turkey led Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina to sign the Istanbul Declaration on Peace and Stability in the Balkans, this article examines Turkey’s return to Southeastern Europe. By highlighting Ankara’s recent diplomatic and economic initiatives in the region, it shows why Turkey has pursued a more proactive foreign policy in the Western Balkans and assesses its successes and shortcomings.

By Mikel Kotonika

Talks of European Union (EU) expansion are limited these days. Despite its recent success of bringing Serbia and Kosovo into direct discussions for the first time in three years, the EU's foreign policy plate is overflowing. From an ongoing economic downturn in the Eurozone to NATO’s recent decision to assume control of military operations in Libya, the Western Balkans is hardly top priority on anyone's mind. Beyond the EU’s troubles, the region it hopes to integrate is in a state of limbo; internal political divisions, high levels of unemployment and un-friendly neighborly relations have put Western Balkan aspirations of EU membership on hold.