The G7 Is Back

The 41st meeting of the Group of (once again) Seven countries in Germany has come to an official end. The tightened security presence and bands of protestors have begun to dissipate as the Bavarian Bürgermeisters and local citizens sigh with relief. Glancing at the extensive list of issues the G7 Leaders Declaration touches upon, there appears to have been no issue too large (nuclear safety, climate change, and the global trade agenda) nor too small (anti-microbial resistance and neglected tropical diseases) for these seven industrialized democracies to address.

With Russia’s suspension from this group likely to be prolonged, the G7 has rededicated itself to its founding purpose as evidenced by the opening words from this year’s declaration: “Guided by our shared values and principles … We are committed to the values of freedom and democracy, and their universality, to the rule of law and respect for human rights, and to fostering peace and security. … We as G7 nations stand united in our commitment to uphold freedom, sovereignty and territorial integrity.” In other words, the G7’s democratic sinews are ready for a workout.

Despite its global breadth, the 2015 G7 agenda (which prioritized the crisis in Ukraine, Greece’s future economic viability, and climate change) reflected the overwhelmingly transatlantic nature of this grouping (with Japan, of course, being the exception). Above all, the leaders concentrated their discussions on the lack of progress towards the implementation of the tenuous ceasefire agreement in eastern Ukraine. G7 leaders signaled that preparations are underway to potentially broaden economic sanctions against Russia in the future - a step beyond the White House’s stated goal of unitedly upholding the existing sanctions regime. Greece’s (in)ability to repay the IMF this month and its five-month stalemate in negotiations with its creditors was another topic of intense discussion. Again, the leaders appeared unanimous in their view that Athens must agree to economic reforms in order to receive continued financing. This resolution also signaled another shift in White House policy, as only four months ago President Obama hinted at his sympathy for the Greeks by noting that “You cannot keep on squeezing countries that are in the midst of depression … At some point, there has to be a growth strategy in order to pay off their debts and eliminate some of their deficits.”

Perhaps the most significant outcome of the summit, however, was on mitigating the impact of climate change - a national security imperative for the group’s European members and a major domestic priority for President Obama. In many ways, this G7 meeting was an important preparatory meeting in the run-up to the Paris COP 21 Climate Summit in December. G7 leaders agreed to adopt ambitious climate targets, including a 40-70% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 (based on 2010 levels) and jointly dedicate $100 billion annually (from private and public sources) to help nations address the effects of climate change.

This summit was a strong showing for a group that only a few years ago was written off as irrelevant (a 2009 headline asserted that “The G7 is Dead; Long Live the G20”). Clearly, reports of the G7’s death have been greatly exaggerated. The G7 is back.

Heather A. Conley is senior vice president for Europe, Eurasia, and the Arctic, and director of the Europe Program, at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C

Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

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